Iraq War

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For other uses, see Iraq war (disambiguation)

The Iraq war or war in Iraq1,2 is both an informal and formal term for military conflicts in Iraq that began with the invasion of 2003 by the multinational coalition of American, British, and other forces.3 The term "Iraq War" has typically refered to the large-scale military hostilities against the Saddam Hussein government of Iraq. This conflict has also been called "The Second Gulf War" and "Gulf War II".

Contents

Terminology

Variance in the use of the 'Iraq war' term can be traced to basic differences in the operative definition for 'war' and 'occupation'; as well as the understanding of 'political authority' and 'sovereignty'. For instance, the United States never actually declared war on Iraq (which could only be done by Congress; the last time that Congress made a formal declaration of war was for World War II). However, Iraq was invaded by U.S. military forces. The term Iraq war, is often left uncapitalized to indicate the legal informality and the lack of clarity in distinguishing among various operations and violent episodes. Further definition of the term varies with usage and point of view, hence, depending on the context, the term 'Iraq War' or 'Iraq war' may refer to hostilities in Iraq that fit one of two general contexts:

When capitalized, the term Iraq War typically is limited to the 2003 invasion, the hostilities against the Baathist government of Iraq, and the succeeding period of military occupation. The Iraq War in this sense began with the 2003 invasion and ended with the defeat of Saddam Hussein's government and the "old" Iraqi Army. Thus, the capital-W "War" may be seen as limited to the "multinational forces"3 invasion of March 2003, and the three-week period of full-scale military hostilities between the multinational forces against the established, uniformed military forces (that is, Saddam Hussein's "old" Iraqi Army). According to this view, the "War" ended with the "cessation of major hostilities" between established military forces. Alternatively, if the term includes the subsequent military occupation of Iraq, the "War" ended with the ceremonial handover of sovereignty to the new Iraqi government in June 2004. Though Coalition military officials have used the capitalized phrase Iraq War in this relatively narrow sense, they, and those politically in support of the invasion and current military presence (or 'occupation') also consistently use the terms Iraq war and 'war in Iraq. A derivative of this viewpoints see much of the current violence almost exclusively as expressions of the Iraqi sectarian divisions, and characterize the occupation as democratic, and preventative of a larger civil war.

The informal term "Iraq war" characterizes the various series of conflicts as continuous, beginning with the 2003 invasion and include the violence which resulted as a direct consequence of the invasion and occupation. This is largely used by anti-war activists and war opponents, who also characterize the invasion and occupation as destructive, and a causal force which gave rise to the subsequent violence. (This view usually considers the current violence as both anti-colonialist and sectarian, and characterizes the occupation as anti-democratic, and exacerbating the potential for civil war.) This continuing conflict definition — ie. the references to the invasion, occupation, and post-sovergeinty handover period — includes all hostile conflict in Iraq, specifically the combat among the established military forces and, later, the clandestine, irregular forces of native Iraqi combatants (in conjunction with foreign militants and terrorists) against the multinational forces (and, later, the Iraqi government's new army). Various paramilitary and other militant groups contested the will of the military power and have struggled against the political authority in the country (such as the Coalition Provisional Authority and, more recently, the new sovereign government). Some anti-war activists and war opponents include this violence directed at the Iraqi government (characterized by some as a "rebellion") as part of the "Iraq war". (This view, though, disputes the claim that 'Iraq is now sovereign' and points to the large presence of foreign forces (eg., the multinational forces)).

The term "Iraq War" has been used by war proponents, (while the term Bush's War is often used by war opponents and anti-war activists) who characterize the invasion and occupation as a smaller ("necessary") battle within the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT). The official United States government designation for overall military operations in Iraq has been "Operation Iraqi Freedom" since 2003. In spite of problems with the definitions and understandings, and due to its basic economy of language, the use of the "Iraq war" term is prominent in news and opinion reports.gn

War rationales and debates

The more exclusive definitions of the "Iraq War" term (ie. the operations delimited to major hostilities against the Saddam Hussein government of Iraq and limited to the 2003 invasion and the succeeding period of military occupation) rest on rationalisations which tend to disagree, in various opinions, with direct or meaningful comparisons with other conflicts, though these are largely found in stated (or perceived) goals by the Coalition for the invasion and occupation. A better metric to determine precisely who the war is being waged upon should compare the number of civilian Iraqi deaths with the number of Iraqi soldiers killed in the first year of the war. Because the United States has made no effort to estimate civilian casualities, the estimates vary considerably.

In contrast, individuals that believe that the "Iraq war" is a continuing conflict base their concept of "war" and "occupation" on more general concepts, as opposed to the definitions of the United Nations, International law, military laws, or political techniques for using language effectively. Being dominantly driven by the United States various critics' eyes, the conflict is characterized by a large and dominant U.S. military presence in a foreign country. To many critics, the Iraq War has parallels with past wars (in particular the Vietnam War). Opponents of the war often hold that the current insurgency conflicts are a direct consequence of the U.S.-led invasion and occupation. They hold to concepts defined largely by lessons learned from American involvement in Southeast Asia.

Both critics and supporters of the war have disagreed about the validity of the rationales, and over whether the ex post facto failure to find weapons "stockpiles" indicates the destruction or transportation of such weapons prior to the war or failure of intelligence (and, at an extreme, deliberate deceit). The failure of western intelligence to distinguish between these two possibilities is perceived by some as a failure of intelligence. As stated in public speakings such goals have changed notably since 2002, and views differ as to whether past statements should be considered "failed goals" (and, again at an extreme, "deceptive premises") for the war.

Related topic: Rationales of the 2003 Invasion of Iraq

War justifications

Stated or allegedly perceived goals (i.e. pretexts, or proschemata, as opposed to actual reasons, or prophases) of the invasion and occupation as stated by the United States in 2002 before the Iraq invasion are likewise controversial factors. Over time, these have varied. The first calls for war on Iraq came from the Project for the New American Century (PNAC), and the American Enterprise Institute, with arguments based largely on the disruption of the emerging modernizing Islamic Middle East, and the project of American influence into the next century. These reasons were not those originally given (before the 2003 Iraq invasion) by the Bush administration of the United States before or after the initiation of the war, which instead included:

  1. Hussein's regime was in violation of United Nations demands for weapons inspections. The first reason was obviated by the Bush administration, who set a deadline while inspectors were active in Iraq.
  2. the Hussein regime produced and possessed stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction and posed a grave threat.
  3. Hussein had failed to comply with 19 UN resolutions requiring a full accounting of its weapons of mass destruction and full cooperation with UN inspections.[1][2].
  4. that the Hussein regime had ties to al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations that posed a threat to international safety;[3]; and,
  5. promoting democratic self-government in the nearly-entirely autocratic Arab Middle East.

Leaders of the multinational coalition have also pointed to human rights issues to justify the war. Saddam's regime's abuse of Iraqi citizens' human rights and the spread of democracy was cited, as articulated in US President George W. Bush 2003 State of the Union Address:

"The dictator who is assembling the world's most dangerous weapons has already used them on whole villages — leaving thousands of his own citizens dead, blind, or disfigured. Iraqi refugees tell us how forced confessions are obtained — by torturing children while their parents are made to watch. International human rights groups have catalogued other methods used in the torture chambers of Iraq: electric shock, burning with hot irons, dripping acid on the skin, mutilation with electric drills, cutting out tongues, and rape. If this is not evil, then evil has no meaning. And tonight I have a message for the brave and oppressed people of Iraq: Your enemy is not surrounding your country — your enemy is ruling your country. And the day he and his regime are removed from power will be the day of your liberation." [4]

Proponents of the war

Some who have systematically defended the position for going to war have argued a "fight them over there, so we don't have to fight them over here" rationale. Others have pointed out how the terrorists are losing in Iraq (such as exposed in some of Dr. Zawahiri’s intercepted letters). Some also posit that (since September 11), the United States military has not lost a single battle, the multinational forces has removed a dictatorship, and the foundation for a new democracy in the Middle East has been set down. [5]

Criticisms of the war

Image:Vladimir Putin.jpg According to opinion polls, the war was unpopular from its beginning in many Coalition countries. The war's unpopularity was reflected in widespread protests, including the largest documented worldwide protest in human history on February 15th, 2003 (eg., a day of Global protests against war in Iraq). The Iraq War was widely viewed by many critics as counterproductive. Many viewed the war as improper (being a moral and ethical violation); and illegal under international law. By the summer of 2005, there was an increase in the number of individuals in the United States that felt the same way. [6] [7] A decorated British Royal Air Force Officer has been court-martialled for refusing to take further part in the war. He was decorated more than once in the Iraq War, and considers that the war is illegal. He has been charged with "refusing to obey a lawful command". And then wrote a book.[8]

Since the October 2005 indictment of Lewis Libby, politicians (including some of those who saw the same intelligence that was classified and used by the executive branch in America) and some citizens have begun to question pre-war intelligence and how it may have been misused in order to "sell", in their opinion, a war to the American people.[9] On the Senate floor on Thursday, November 10 Senator Ted Kennedy (D-Mass.) expressed,

"President Bush exaggerated the threat to the American people. It was not subtle. It was not nuanced. It was pure, unadulterated fear-mongering!"

Antiwar rationales

The opponents to the wars' main rationales are, in their opinion, the "fixed intelligence" and "lack of connection to 9/11". Antiwar activists and opponents of the war draw direct parallels to the earlier actions (especially the Vietnam War and other conflicts that the US lost) via several debated elements of evidence. This includes:

  • its protracted nature, being defined by the continued dominant presence of coalition soldiers (in particular, United States units),
  • the previous changing status of the local government,
  • the sectarian factionalism,
  • changes and conflicts in the publicly stated goals of the war and later occupation,
  • the colonialist character of the occupation (i.e. "colonize the government", blanket and unconditional diplomatic immunity for soldiers, etc.),
  • evidence of local activity of paramilitary and militant groups (commonly known as the "insurgency" and, at other times, the "resistance"), political dissidence, and non-violent protests,
  • evidence of war crimes (eg., Abu Ghraib, indiscriminate bombing, extra-judicial killings, intentional targeting of civilians, etc.), and
  • evidence of fraud, incompetence, and inefficiency of the "reconstruction" (eg., Halliburton, reused MREs, etc.),

among other evidence that they believe connects this war to previous military actions.

Critics have cited that, economically, the various engagements in Iraq has cost the United States about USD $200,000,000,000, and still costs about USD $6,000,000,000 a month. [10] , with exceptionally poor accounting of how the funds are being spent. Concern is growing that corporations with ties to the Bush administration, notably Halliburton, which was provided no-bid contracts that many considered illegal due to their size, to be the primary beneficiaries of the execution of the war.

Countries against

The following countries' governments did not support the War of Iraq:

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Iraq Survey Group findings

In October 2003, the Iraq Survey Group released the report of interim ISG findings which indicated that small amounts of weapons of mass destruction were uncovered, (including a number of vials containing biological agents stored in the home refrigerators of Iraqi scientists, for example) as well as discoveries of non-WMD programs banned by the United Nations and concealed during the IAEA and UNMOVIC inspections that began in 2002. Kay testified on January 28, 2004 that "the effort that has been directed to this point has been sufficiently intense that it is highly unlikely that there were large stockpiles of deployed, militarized chemical weapons [in Iraq]". The Iraq Survey Group later released the final ISG report which included the following points:

  1. Iraq had destroyed its stockpiles of biological and chemical weapons after the Gulf War [11](but discoveries made by the ISG include a "clandestine network of laboratories ... that contained equipment ... suitable for continuing chemical biological weapons research");
  2. Saddam Hussein convinced his top military commanders that Iraq did indeed possess WMD that could be used against any U.S. invasion force, in order to prevent a coup over the prospects of fighting the U.S.-led Coalition without these weapons;
  3. Iraq's main goal was to end sanctions while preserving the capability to reconstitute WMD production;
  4. Iraq had intended to restart all banned weapons programs as soon as multilateral sanctions against it had been dropped, a prospect that the Iraqi government saw coming soon;
  5. Iraq used procurement contracts allowed under the Oil for Food program to buy influence among U.N. Security Council member states;
  6. No senior Iraqi official interviewed by the ISG believed that Saddam had forsaken WMD forever;
  7. There was "no indication [Iraq had] resumed fissile material or nuclear weapon research and development activities since 1991" (though there was extensive amount of "documents and equipment, hidden in scientists' homes, that would have been useful in resuming uranium enrichment by centrifuge and electromagnetic isotope separation"[12] and a "number of post-1995 activities that would have aided the reconstitution of the nuclear weapons program once sanctions were lifted". [13]).

David Kay opened his testimony during the "Kay Report" at a Senate panel by stating "We were almost all wrong" on Iraq (a quote commonly missattributed to the later head of the ISG, Charles Duelfer,[14] [15]). Kay went on though to say that, "Iraq was in clear violation of the terms of Resolution 1441". He stated, "the work of the Iraq Survey Group has shown that Saddam Hussein had WMD intentions, had WMD programs that did survive, and did outwit for 12 years the United Nations Security Council and the resolutions [...] in large measure." Kay did "believe that the effort that has been directed to this point has been sufficiently intense that it is highly unlikely that there were large stockpiles of deployed militarized chemical and biological weapons there". He also stated, in spite of missing stockpiles, that "the world is far safer with [...] the removal of Saddam Hussein." q[16]

War of Iraq

War of Iraq
ConflictWar of Iraq
DateMarch 20, 2003May 1, 2003 (Occupation end: June 28, 2004)
PlaceIraq
Result
Major combatants
Republic of Iraq
Image:Iraq flag 300.png
(Saddam Hussein regime)

Ba'ath Loyalists

Multinational force (aka., "Coalition of the Willing")

United States of America
Image:Us flag large.png

United Kingdom
Image:Uk flag large.png

Australia
Image:Flag of Australia.svg

Victor: Multinational forces
Categories
Military history of Iraq
Military history of the United Kingdom
Military history of the United States

The War of Iraq (2003) was the war in the Middle East country of Iraq, which resulted from the the Iraq disarmament crisis of late 2002 and began with the invasion of 2003. The war was between the Iraqi military and a coalition of multinational forces. The United States and the United Kingdom were the two major components of the US-dubbed "Coalition of the willing" that invaded and deposed Saddam Hussein's regime. This was done because Hussein had failed to comply with 19 UN resolutions requiring a full accounting of its weapons of mass destruction and full cooperation with UN inspections [17][18]. The forces opposing the coalition units were the conscript Iraqi Regular Army. They were reinforced and strengthened by the Republican Guard and Fedayeen Saddam, but quickly gave up. In post-invasion Iraq (2003–2005), after the Hussein regime had been overthrown, activity centered around coalition and U.N. efforts to establishing a sovereign state. According to some opinion polls, the war was unpopular from the outset in many Coalition countries.

The "War of Iraq" refers to the war proper, beginning with the 2003 invasion, continuing in the occupation, and ending at the handover of sovereignty to the new Iraqi government. This conflict resulted in the defeat of the Iraqi regular Army and its supportive divisions. (ed., the details of this are cover in this article)

Operation Iraqi Freedom

Operation Iraqi Freedom — often rumored to have been originally called Operation Iraqi Liberation before being changed due to an unwanted acronym — had the following military objectives, according to U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld:

  1. to end the regime of Saddam Hussein.
  2. to identify, isolate and eliminate Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.
  3. to search for, to capture and to drive out terrorists from that country.
  4. to collect such intelligence as we can related to terrorist networks.
  5. to collect such intelligence as we can related to the global network of illicit weapons of mass destruction
  6. to end sanctions and to immediately deliver humanitarian support to the displaced and to many needy Iraqi citizens.
  7. to secure Iraq's oil fields and resources, which belong to the Iraqi people.
  8. to help the Iraqi people create conditions for a transition to a representative self-government.

Prior to invasion

Image:Iraq NO FLY ZONES.PNG

Prior to invasion, the United States and other coalition forces involved in the 1991 Persian Gulf War had been engaged in a low-level conflict with Iraq, enforcing Iraqi no-fly zones. Iraqi air-defense installations were engaged on a fairly regular basis after repeatedly targeting American and British air patrols. In mid-2002, the U.S. began to change its response strategy, more carefully selecting targets in the southern part of the country in order to disrupt the military command structure in Iraq. A change in enforcement tactics was acknowledged at the time, but it was not made public that this was part of a plan known as Operation Southern Watch.

The weight of bombs dropped increased from none in March 2002 and 0.3 in April 2002 to between 8 and 14 tons per month in May-August, reaching a pre-war peak of 54.6 tons in September - prior to Congress' 11 October authorisation of the invasion. The September attacks included a 5 September 100-aircraft attack on the main air defence site in western Iraq. According to The New Statesman this was "Located at the furthest extreme of the southern no-fly zone, far away from the areas that needed to be patrolled to prevent attacks on the Shias, it was destroyed not because it was a threat to the patrols, but to allow allied special forces operating from Jordan to enter Iraq undetected." [19]

Combat and occupation summary

Coalition forces managed to topple the government and capture the key cities of a large nation in only 28 days, taking minimal losses while also trying to avoid large civilian deaths and even high numbers of dead Iraqi military forces. The invasion was, in a military context, a complete success, and did not require the huge army built up for the 1991 Gulf War, which numbered half a million Allied troops. This did prove short-sighted, however, due to requirement for a much larger force to combat the irregular Iraqi forces in the aftermath of the war.

The Saddam-built army had no weapons that could stand up to Coalition forces, and managed only to stage a few ambushes that gained a great deal of media attention but in reality did nothing to slow the Coalition advance. The Iraqi T-72 tanks, the heaviest armored vehicles in the Iraqi Army, were both outdated and ill-maintained, and when they did stand up to Coalition forces they were destroyed quickly, thanks in part due to the Coalition's control of the air. The U.S. Air Force and British Royal Air Force operated with impunity throughout the country, pinpointing heavily defended enemy targets and destroying them before ground troops arrived.

The main battle tanks (MBT) of the Coalition forces, the U.S. M1 Abrams and British Challenger 2, proved their worth in the rapid advance across the country. Even with the large number of RPG attacks by irregular Iraqi forces, few Coalition tanks were lost and no tank crewmen were killed by hostile fire. All three British tank crew fatalities were a result of friendly fire. The only tank loss sustained by the British Army was a Challenger 2 of the Queen's Royal Lancers that was hit by another Challenger 2, killing two crewmen.

The Iraqi Army suffered from poor morale, even amongst the supposedly elite Republican Guard, and entire units simply melted away into the crowds upon the approach of Coalition troops. Other Iraqi Army officers were bribed by the CIA or coerced into surrendering to coalition forces. Worse, the Iraqi Army had incompetent leadership - reports state that Qusay Hussein, charged with the defense of Baghdad, dramatically shifted the positions of the two main divisions protecting Baghdad several times in the days before the arrival of U.S. forces, and as a result the units within were both confused and further demoralized when the U.S. Army attacked. By no means did the Coalition invasion force see the entire Iraqi military thrown against it, and it is assumed that most units disintegrated to either join the growing Iraqi insurgency or return to their homes.

Invasion
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}} On March 20 2003 at approximately 02:30 UTC (05:30 local time), about 90 minutes after the lapse of the 48-hour deadline set by the coalition for Saddam Hussein and his sons to leave Iraq, explosions were heard in Baghdad and Australian Special Air Service Regiment personnel crossed the border into southern Iraq. At 03:15 UTC, or 10:15 pm EST, U.S. President George W. Bush announced that he had ordered the coalition to launch an "attack of opportunity" against targets in Iraq.

Before the invasion, many observers had expected a lengthy campaign of aerial bombing in advance of any ground action, taking as examples the Persian Gulf War or the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. In practice, U.S. plans envisioned simultaneous air and ground assaults to decapitate the Iraqi forces as fast as possible (see Shock and Awe), attempting to bypass Iraqi military units and cities in most cases. The assumption was that superior U.S. mobility and coordination would allow the U.S. to attack the heart of the Iraqi command structure and destroy it in a short time, which would minimize civilian deaths and damage to infrastructure.

It was expected that the elimination of the leadership would lead to the collapse of the army and the government, and that much of the population would support the invaders once the government had been weakened. Occupation of cities and attacks on peripheral military units were viewed as undesirable distractions. Following Turkey's (muslim country) decision to deny any official use of its territory, the U.S. was forced to abandon a planned simultaneous attack from north and south, so the primary bases for the invasion were in Kuwait and other Persian Gulf nations. One result of this was that one of the divisions intended for the invasion was forced to relocate and was unable to take part in the invasion until well into the war.

Image:Bagdad 02Apr2003 L7 889px.jpg Image:SaddamBaghdadwalkabout.jpg

The invasion was swift, with the collapse of the Iraq government and the military of Iraq in about three weeks. The oil infrastructure of Iraq was rapidly secured with limited damage in that time. Securing the oil infrastructure was considered important. Presumably, oil infrastructure was secured for financial reasons (for the Iraqi people) as well as strategic (for military operations). In the first Persian Gulf War, while retreating from Kuwait, the Iraqi army had set many oil wells on fire, in an attempt to disguise troop movements and to distract Coalition forces — a side effect of these actions were many environmental problems. The British Royal Marines 3 Commando Brigade launched an air and amphibious assault on the Al-Faw peninsula during the closing hours of 20 March to secure the oil fields there; the amphibious assault was supported by frigates of the Royal Navy and Royal Australian Navy. The 15th Marine Expeditionary Unit, attached to 3 Commando Brigade, attacked the port of Umm Qasr. The British 16 Air Assault Brigade also secured the oilfields in southern Iraq in places like Rumaila.

In keeping with the rapid advance plan, the U.S. 3rd Infantry Division moved westward and then northward through the desert toward Baghdad, while the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force and 1 (UK) Armoured Division moved northward through marshland. All forces avoided major cities except when necessary to capture river crossings over the Tigris and Euphrates. The British 7 Armoured Brigade ('The Desert Rats') fought their way into Iraq's second-largest city, Basra, on 6 April, coming under constant attack by regulars and Fedayeen, while the 3rd Parachute Regiment cleared the 'old quarter' of the city that was inaccessible to vehicles. The entering of Basra had only been achieved after two weeks of conflict, which included the biggest tank battle by British forces since World War II when the Royal Scots Dragoon Guards destroyed 14 Iraqi tanks on 27 March. The UK's control of the city was, however, limited. Element's of 1 (UK) Armoured Division began to advance north towards U.S. positions around Al Amarah on 9 April. Pre-existing electrical and water shortages continued through the conflict and looting began as Iraqi forces collapsed. While British forces began working with local Iraqi Police to enforce order, humanitarian aid began to arrive from ships landing in the port city of Umm Qasr and trucks entering the country through Kuwait.

After a rapid initial advance, the first major pause occurred in the vicinity of Hillah and Karbala, where U.S. leading elements, hampered by dust storms, met resistance from Iraqi troops and paused for some days for re-supply before continuing toward Baghdad. The first Civil Affairs unit to enter Iraq, the 411th Civil Affairs Battalion, was on hand to restore basic services, distribute humanitarian aide, and begin the arduous process of building a democratic government from scratch. This unit would later play a pivotol role in the Iraqi elections when they returned to Iraq a second time.

The 2nd Battalion of the U.S. 5th Special Forces Group (part of the Green Berets) conducted reconnaissance in the cities of Basra, Karbala and various other locations. In the North 10th SFG had the mission of aiding the Kurdish factions such as the Union of Kurdistan and the Democratic Party of Kurdistan. Turkey had officially forbidden any US troops from using their bases, so lead elements of the 10th had to make certain detours; their journey was supposed to take four hours but instead it took ten. However, Turkey did allow the use of its air space and so the rest of the 10th flew in. The mission was to destroy Ansar al-Islam and a Kurdish faction. The target was Sargat and after heavy fighting with both groups the special forces finally took Sargat and pushed the remaining units out of Northern Iraq. After Sargat was taken, Bravo Company along with their Kurdish Allies pushed south towards Tikrit and the surrounding towns of Northern Iraq. During the Battle of the Green Line, Bravo Company with their Kurdish allies pushed back, destroyed, or routed 13th Iraqi Armoured and Infantry Division. Bravo took Tikrit. The 173rd Airborne Brigade parachuted into H3, an Iraqi Airfield, and secured it for future use. Iraq was the largest deployment of Special Forces since Vietnam.

Fall of Baghdad

Three weeks into the invasion, U.S. forces moved into Baghdad. Initial plans were for armor units to surround the city and a street-to-street battle to commence using Airborne units. However, within days a "Thunder Run" of US tanks was launched to test Iraqi defenses, with about 30 tanks rushing from a staging base to the Baghdad airport. They met heavy resistance, including many suicide attacks, but launched another run two days later into the Palaces of Saddam Hussein, where they established a base. Within hours of the palace seizure, and television coverage of this spreading through Iraq, Iraqi resistance crumbled around the city. Iraqi government officials had either disappeared or had conceded defeat. On April 9 2003, Baghdad was formally secured by US forces and the power of Saddam Hussein was declared ended. Saddam had vanished, and his whereabouts were unknown. Many Iraqis celebrated the downfall of Saddam by vandalizing the many portraits and statues of him together with other pieces of his personality cult. Image:Saddamstatue.jpgOne widely publicized event was the dramatic toppling of a large statue of Saddam in central Baghdad by a US tank, while a crowd of Iraqis apparently cheered the Marines on. The spontaneity of this event has been disputed, with evidence that it was staged by US forces. More detail is available under media coverage.

General Tommy Franks assumed control of Iraq as the supreme commander of occupation forces. Shortly after the sudden collapse of the defense of Baghdad, rumors were circulating in Iraq and elsewhere that there had been a deal struck (a "safqua") wherein the US had bribed key members of the Iraqi military elite and/or the Ba'ath party itself to stand down. In May 2003, General Franks retired, and confirmed in an interview with Defense Week that the U.S. had paid Iraqi military leaders to defect. The extent of the defections and their effect on the war are unclear. Coalition troops promptly began searching for the key members of Saddam Hussein's government. These individuals were identified by a variety of means, most famously through sets of most-wanted Iraqi playing cards.

Seizure of other areas

In the north, Kurdish forces opposed to Saddam Hussein had already occupied for years an autonomous area in northern Iraq. With the assistance of U.S. Special Forces and airstrikes, they were able to rout the Iraqi units near them and, on 10 April, to occupy oil-rich Kirkuk, a city of significant emotional importance to Kurds, causing further complications in U.S.-Turkish relations. [20] Coalition special forces had also been involved in the extreme west of Iraq, attempting to occupy key roads to Syria and airbases. In one case two armored platoons were used to convince Iraqi leadership that an entire armored battalion was entrenched in the west of Iraq. On 15 April, Multinational forces mostly took control of Tikrit, the last major outpost in central Iraq, with an attack led by the U.S. Marines' Task Force Tarawa (comprised of units from 1st Marine Expeditionary Force) and followed by elements of the Army's 4th Infantry Division.

Bush's 'Mission Accomplished'
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}} On 1 May 2003 George W. Bush landed on the aircraft carrier USS Abraham Lincoln, in a Lockheed S-3 Viking, where he gave a speech announcing the end of major combat operations in the Iraq war. Bush's landing was criticized by opponents as an overly theatrical and expensive stunt. Clearly visible in the background was a banner stating "Mission Accomplished." It was criticized by some as premature - especially later as the guerrilla war dragged on. However, one crewmember later stated the banner referred specifically to the aircraft carrier's mission and not the war itself. In the weeks that followed Bush's dramatic aircraft carrier landing, all types of crime significantly increased in Iraq due to the end of the Saddam Hussein regime.

Rise of the insurgency

Image:Sunni triangle.jpg In May of 2003, after the Iraqi conventional forces had been defeated, the coalition military noticed a gradually increasing flurry of attacks on the multinational troops in various regions, such as the "Sunni Triangle." In the chaos after the war, massive looting of the infrastructure, and most catastrophically, munitions occurred. According to the Pentagon, 250,000 tons (of 650,000 tons total) of ordnance were looted, providing an endless source of ammunition for the insurgents.

The insurgency in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle. This location includes Baghdad [21]. Critics point out that the regions where violence was most common was also the most populated regions, but this was not entirely true. The three provinces that had the most number of attacks were Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din. Combined they account for 32% of the population. This may be misleading because Baghdad has a low ratio of attacks per capita. This resistance has been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. Insurgent tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure.

There is evidence that some of the resistance was organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign terrorists. [22] The insurgents are generally known to the Coalition forces as Anti-Iraqi Forces or AIF.

Post-invasion Iraq, early- and mid-2003
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The post-invasion environment began after the Hussein regime had been overthrown. It centers around Coalition and U.N. efforts to establish a democratic state capable of defending itself [23], versus various insurgent demands that the foreign forces leave the country

Coalition military forces launched several operations around Tigris River peninsula and in the Sunni Triangle. A series of similar operations were launched throughout the summer in the Sunni Triangle. Toward the end of 2003, the intensity and pace of insurgent attacks began to increase. A sharp surge in guerilla attacks, ushered in an insurgent effort that was termed the “Ramadan Offensive,” as it coincided with the beginning of the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Coaliton forces brought to bear the use of air power for the first time since the end of the war.

Suspected ambush sites and mortar launching positions struck from the air and with dfjmsfdgmlery fire. Surveillance of major routes, patrols, and raids on suspected insurgents were stepped up. In addition, two villages, including Saddam’s birthplace of al-Auja and the small town of Abu Hishma were wrapped in barbed wire and carefully monitored. On 22 July 2003, during a raid by the U.S. 101st Airborne Division and men from Task Force 20, Saddam Hussein's sons (Uday and Qusay) and one of his grandsons were killed.

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Capture of Saddam

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In the wave of intelligence information fueling the raids on remaining Ba’ath Party members connected to insurgency, Saddam Hussein himself was captured on December 13 2003 on a farm near Tikrit. The operation was conducted by the U.S. Army's 4th Infantry Division and members of Task Force 121.

Post-invasion Iraq, late-2003

With the capture of Saddam and a drop in the number of insurgent attacks (an average of 18 a day), some concluded the multinational forces were prevailing in the fight against the insurgency. With the weather growing cooler, United States forces were able to operate in full armor which reduced their casualty rate. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the United States promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent in 10 months after it had been promised. Oil revenues were also used for rebuilding schools and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure.

Shortly after the capture of Saddam, elements left out of the CPA began to agitate for elections and the formation of a Iraqi Interim Government. Most prominent among these was the Shia cleric Ali al-Sistani. More insurgents stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south.

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Military occupation, early-2004

Early 2004 was marked by a relative lull in violence. Insurgent forces reorganized during which the multinational forces' tactics were studied and a renewed offensive planned. Guerilla attacks were less intense.

During the early occupation, a number of widely-cited humanitarian, tactical, and political errors by United States and United Kingdom planners and forces led to a growing armed resistance, usually called the "Iraqi insurgency" (such as the mainstream media and coalition governments). The anti-occupation forces are believed to be predominantly, but not exclusively, Iraqi Sunni Muslim Arabs, plus some foreign Arab and Muslim fighters, some of the latter tied to al-Qaeda. Several minor coalition members have pulled out of Iraq; this has been widely considered a political success for the anti-occupation forces.

The failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption, and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On 2 July 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the attacks, challenging the opponents with "My answer is, Bring 'em on," a line the President later expressed misgivings about having used. [24] In the summer of 2003, the multinational forces focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in July. In all, over 200 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel.

Increased terrorism and the Mahdi Army

Terroristic acts increased during the beginning of 2004. Hundreds of Iraqi civilians and police were killed over this period in a series of massive bombings. The bombings indicated that as the relevance of Saddam Hussein and his followers was diminishing, radical Islamists, both foreign and Iraqi. An organized Sunni insurgency, with deep roots and both nationalist and Islamist motivations, was becoming clearer. The Mahdi Army also began launching attacks on coalition targets and to seize control from Iraqi security forces. The southern and central portions of Iraq were beginning to erupt in urban guerilla combat as multinational forces attempted to keep control and prepared for a counteroffensive.

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Fallujah and the Shiite south

The coalition and the Coalition Provisional Authority decided to face the growing insurgency with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses mutilated by a large crowd, receiving a great deal of media attention. Image:Fallujahtracer.jpg After four private military contractors were killed and mutilated, preperation took place for the US Marines to take over responsibility for al-Anbar province in which Fallujah is located. On April 4, the multinational forces began assaults to clear Fallujah of insurgents. On April 9, the multinational force allowed more than 70,000 women, children and elderly residents to leave the besieged city, reportedly also allowing males of military age to leave. On April 10, the military declared a unilateral truce to allow for humanitarian supplies to enter Fallujah. Troops pulled back to the outskirts of the city; local leaders reciprocated the ceasefire, although lower-level intense fighting on both sides continued.

A new documentary released by an Italian Newspaper documents the reported "indiscriminate" use of white phosphorus on insurgents. At least one member of the military confirmed the use of the incendiary weapon against enemy combatants. He state that there was a "technique [of firing] a white phosphorus round into the position because the combined effects of the fire and smoke - and in some case the terror brought about by the explosion on the ground - will drive them out of the holes so that you can kill them with high explosives". This weapon was reportedly directed at insurgents. If true, this use of white phosphorous weapons is a violation of the Geneva convention.

The city of Fallujah remained under insurgent control despite the Marine's attempt to recapture it in Operation Vigilant Resolve. In the April battle for Fallujah, Coalition troops killed about 600 insurgents and a number of civilians, while 40 Americans died and hundreds were wounded in a fierce battle. The coalition forces were unable to dislodge the insurgents, and instead suffered repeated attacks on its own rear and flank. The Marines were ordered to stand-down and cordon off the city, maintaining a perimeter around Fallujah. A compromise was reached in order to ensure security within Fallujah itself by creating the local "Fallujah Brigade". While the Marine Division attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, it decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town. This compromise soon fell apart and insurgent control returned. By the end of the spring uprising, the cities of Fallujah, Samarra, Baquba, and Ramadi had been left under guerilla control with coalition patrols in the cities at a minimum.

Meanwhile, the fighting continued in the Shiite south. The marines were then shifted south, because Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. The marines relieved the Poles and Italians, and put down the overt rebellion, but were unable to reestablish control over the centers of the towns. British forces in Basra were faced with increasing insurgency and became more selective in the areas they patrolled. In all, April, May and early June saw more fighting. Over the next three months, the multinanational forces took back the southern cities. Due to various setbacks, the Coalition gradually began admitting that it was facing independent organized rebel forces. Also, various insurgent leaders entered into negotiations with the provisional government to lay down arms and enter the political process.

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Sovereignty restored and Iraqi coalition operations

Toward the end of June (2004), the Coalition Provisional Authority transferred the "sovereignty" of Iraq to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. Sovereign power handed to the interim government ended the occupation of Iraq. Fighting continued in the form of an insurgent rebellion against the new sovereignty, with some parts composed of non-Iraqi Muslim militant groups like Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda. The new government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to delays. Militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr took control of Najaf and, after negotiations broke down, the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August, a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imman Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by al-Sistani in late August. Al-Sadr then declared a national cease fire, and opened negotiations with the American and government forces on disbanding his militia and entering the political process.

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Counter insurgency, late-2004

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Early-2005 and calls for elections

Coalition and Iraqi forces continue to battle militants and other fighters. During early and mid-May 2005, the U.S. also launched Operation Matador, an assault by around 1,000 marines in the ungoverned region of western Iraq. Coalition and Iraqi soldiers have been killed in these conflicts. As of late October, nearly 2,000 U.S. soldiers have been killed, and around ten times this many have been wounded. The number of Iraqi citizens who have fallen victim to the fighting has risen. The Iraqi government, with some holdovers from the CPA, engaged in securing control of the oil infrastructure (a source of Iraq's foreign currency) and control of the major cities of Iraq. The insurgency, the developing the Iraqi Army, disorganized police and security forces, as well as a lack of revenue have hampered efforts to assert control. In addition, former Baathist elements and militant Shia groups have engaged in sabotage, terrorism, open rebellion, and establishing their own security zones in all or part of a dozen cities. The Allawi government vowed to crush the resistance.

An election for a government to draft a permanent constitution took place during this time (ed. see Politics of Iraq for more information on the political state of Iraq). Although some violence and lack of widespread Sunni participation marred the event, most of the eligible Kurd and Shia populace participated. Secterian violence has also been prominient part of the militant and guerilla activity. Targets here where often Shia gatherings or civilian concentrations mainly of Shias. As a result, over 700 Iraqi civilians died in the month.

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Counter insurgency, late-2005

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The Iraqi insurgency

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With the Ba'ath party organization disintegrated, elements of the secret police and Republican Guard formed guerrilla units, since some had simply gone home rather than openly fight the multinational forces. These join the insurgency and their attacks around Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. In the fall, the insurgent groups, guerrilla units, and other elements (who called themselves "freedom fighters") began using ambush tactics, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices, targeting coalition forces, checkpoints, and civilians.

The militants and guerilla units favored attacking unarmored vehicles and avoiding major battles. The beginning insurgency in Iraq was concentrated in, but not limited to, an area referred to by the Western media and the occupying forces as the Sunni triangle which includes Baghdad [25]. In the fall, the anti-occupation groups, guerrilla units, and other elements (who called themselves "freedom fighters") began using ambush tactics, bombings, kidnappings, and improvised explosive devices, targeting coalition forces, checkpoints, and civilian targets. These irregular forces favored attacking unarmored Humvee vehicles. In November, some these forces successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.

Critics point out that the regions where violence is most common are also the most populated regions, but this is not entirely true. The three provinces with the most number of attacks are Baghdad, Anbar, and Salah Ad Din. Combined they account for 32% of the population. Even this is misleading because Baghdad has a very low ratio of attacks per capita, indicating that it is only a small minority within the city that supports attacks. Analysts point out that the regions where violence in 2005 is most common are concentrated in areas that have a high Sunni population.

The militant forces have been described as a type of guerrilla warfare. tactics include mortars, suicide bombers, roadside bombs, small arms fire, and RPGs, as well as sabotage against the oil, water, and electrical infrastructure. There is evidence that some guerilla groups are organized, perhaps by the fedayeen and other Saddam Hussein or Ba'ath loyalists, religious radicals, Iraqis angered by the occupation, and foreign fighters. [26] The insurgents are known by the Coalition military (especially in the United States armed forces) as Anti-Iraqi Forces (AIF). g1 g2.

American Generals have predicted the insurgency will last nine years.

Notes

  • Note 1: The conflict is also commonly referred to as Gulf War II or the Second Gulf War to distinguish it from the Persian Gulf War of 1991. These terms are less frequently used today than "the Iraq war", "the war in Iraq, War of Iraq or Bush's War of 2003 or “Bush’s Folly” (the last two are especially used by anti-war activists).
  • Note 2: "War" is often written in lowercase, such as in "Iraq war", to indicate informal status or to distinguish its definition from formal variant (as in "Iraq War").
  • Note 3: The term "multinational" in Multinational forces in Iraq is controversial to some and disputed by anti-war activists, due to a claimed or precieved American dominance of forces, interests, and executive powers.

References

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February 20, 2003.

See also

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Years in Iraq
General
Multinational forces

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Casualties
Other related articles and concepts

External articles

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Opinions and polls
  • Caspar Henderson, "Three polls: attitudes across frontiers". 12 December 2002.
  • Karl Zinsmeister, "What Iraqis Really Think". Wall Street Journal, September 10, 2003.
  • "1st Major Survey of Iraq". Zogby International, September 10, 2003.
  • Carl Conetta, "What do Iraqis want? Iraqi attitudes on occupation, US withdrawal, governments, and quality of life". Project on Defense Alternatives, 01 February 2005.
  • "Iraq". Polling Report.com. (ed. Chronological polls of Americans 18 & older)
Casualties
  • Carl Conetta, "The Wages of War; Iraqi Combatant and Noncombatant Fatalities in the 2003 Conflict". Project on Defense Alternatives Research Monograph #8, 20 October 2003.
  • Hamit Dardagan, et. al., "Iraq Body Count". (ed. reportedly comprehensive tally of deaths resulting from the war and occupation based on media reports compiled by various antiwar activists.)
Combat operations related

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Anti-war activists and war critics
  • David Shuster, "Road to war; How the Bush administration sold the Iraq War to American people". MSNBC, Nov. 8, 2005
  • Charlie and Katrina, "Mourning the Vote". (ed. Students (Boston University and Oglethorpe University) site presenting their opinion about the Iraq War)
War supporters and operation proponents
Economics
Video

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